The UK government is testing out a new stance on Brexit, but this isn't equivalent to a policy reversal. The modification is primarily tonal.
Previously, Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves portrayed Britain's separation from Europe as a permanent feature of the national situation, awkward to handle perhaps, but inescapable. Now, they are willing to acknowledge it as a genuine affliction.
Speaking at a local economic summit recently, the chancellor included EU withdrawal alongside the pandemic and spending cuts as causes of persistent economic lethargy. She repeated this perspective during an International Monetary Fund meeting in the US capital, noting that the country's productivity challenge has been worsened by the manner in which the Britain departed from the EU.
This represented a precisely formulated statement, attributing harm not to the departure decision but to its execution; blaming the politicians who negotiated it, not the public who supported it. This differentiation is essential when the financial plan is unveiled next month. The aim is to attribute some fiscal difficulties to the deal negotiated by Boris Johnson without seeming to disrespect the aspirations of those who voted to exit.
For those who value evidence, the financial debate is largely settled. The Office for Budget Responsibility calculates that the UK's sustained output is 4% lower than it could have been with ongoing European partnership.
Beyond the expenses from new trade barriers, there has been a sustained decline in corporate spending due to governmental uncertainty and regulatory ambiguity. Additionally the opportunity cost of government energy being redirected toward a objective for which little planning had been made, since supporters had seriously considered the real-world requirements of making it happen.
With evidence being clear, authorities struggle to stay impartial. The Bank of England governor informed a recent international forum that he takes no side on Brexit then stated that its impact on growth will be negative for the foreseeable future.
He forecast a slight positive adjustment eventually, which provides scant relief to a treasury head who must address a major funding gap immediately. Tax increases are planned, and the chancellor wants the citizens to recognize that leaving the EU is one contributing factor.
The statement is worth making because it is accurate. That doesn't guarantee electoral advantage from saying it. This truth was evident when the government delivered its previous tax-raising budget and during the general election campaign, which the party fought while avoiding the certainty of higher levies.
At this stage, with the government being neither new nor popular, explaining economic hardship sounds like making excuses to numerous constituents. There might be more advantage in blaming the Conservatives for all problems if they were the sole opposition and a serious challenger. The usual ruling party tactic in a two-party system is to assert responsibility for fixing the opponent's errors and caution voters. The emergence of Reform UK makes things harder.
Policy differences between the main opponents are small, but the electorate notice personal rivalry more than shared beliefs. Supporters of the Reform leader due to lost faith in the system—especially on immigration control—do not view the two parties as aligned groups. One party has a record of permitting entry, while Reform does not—a contrast their leader will repeatedly emphasize.
The Reform leader is less eager to discuss Brexit, partly because it is a legacy shared with Conservatives and also because there are few benefits to highlight. If challenged, he may contend that the goal was undermined by flawed implementation, but even that defense admits failure. Easier to redirect conversation.
This explains why Labour feels more confident bringing it up. Starmer's address to supporters marked a significant shift. Previously, he had addressed UK-EU relations in bureaucratic language, focusing on a partnership renewal that addressed non-controversial trade barriers like border inspections while avoiding the divisive cultural issues at the core of the post-referendum turmoil.
In his speech, Starmer stopped short of pro-EU arguments, but he suggested familiarity with past claims. He mentioned "false promises on the side of that bus"—alluding to exit supporters' vows about NHS funding—in the context of "dubious solutions" sold by politicians whose simplistic answers worsen the country's challenges.
Leaving Europe was compared to the pandemic as traumas endured by ordinary people in recent years. Comparing Brexit to a disease indicates a tougher tone, even if the financial steps being negotiated in Brussels remain unchanged.
The objective is to link the Reform leader to a well-known example of political mis-selling, implying he cannot be trusted; that he capitalizes on frustration and creates conflict but lacks governing competence.
The removal of local representatives from the party's administrative wing reinforces that narrative. Recorded videos of a online meeting revealed internal disputes and recrimination, highlighting the challenges inexperienced figures face when delivering public services on tight finances—much harder than campaigning about reducing inefficiency or controlling immigration.
This criticism is effective for the government, but it requires the government's service delivery being sufficiently strong that choosing the challengers seems a risky gamble. Moreover, this is a strategy for a future campaign that may not occur until the end of the decade. If Starmer and Reeves wish to be seen as antidotes to Faragism, they must demonstrate meanwhile with a clear, constructive program of their own.
There are limits to what is possible with a rhetorical shift, and time is short. How much easier to make the case today that Brexit is an affliction and Farage a fraud if they had stated this before. What additional choices might they have? Should they receive credit for admitting it now when alternate justifications are exhausted? Certainly. But the problem of reaching the obvious conclusion via the most circuitous route is that people question the procrastination. Beginning with honesty is faster.
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