Rachel Reeves has approached this week's financial plan comparable to a reluctant bather edging into icy water, attempting to mitigate the discomfort through incremental immersion.
She started tackling the problem of inadequate revenue at the close of the summer months. Initially, she would not to stand by earlier statements that increases in taxation in last year's budget would be the last ones.
Subsequently, earlier this month, she took a more significant move into the cold waters. A speech committed to "implement needed measures" to support public services and keep borrowing costs down.
Within 10 days, the finance ministry had pulled back the implication. The manifesto commitment still stood after all. Similar to any freezing-water bather knows, this halted dive and quivering retreat is the worst of all techniques. Nothing extends the discomfort like uncertainty.
It can be hard to be resolute when deciding between degrees of self-inflicted injury.
Expectation has not been a great tactic for the ruling party. At the core of the Labour leader's general election campaign was the futile hope of in some way satisfying the public's call for enhanced state services without undoing large sums of Tory revenue decreases.
Not once has either the prime minister or the chancellor adequately expressed a impression of collective goal to validate all this pain. Partly that is a challenge of leadership presence. Starmer and Reeves are strikingly similar in their communicative deficiency, wooden and unforthcoming in a way that drives listeners off instead of pulling them towards them.
Similarly to political pressure to invest in state services has forced the exchequer to acknowledge that taxes must increase, the financial necessity of improving prosperity makes it more challenging to overlook the expense of separation from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers spent a twelve months dabbling in the early stages of improved relations with the EU: suggestions to eliminate customs checks on food items; a youth mobility scheme. Aspiration went a bit deeper on power generation, armed forces partnership, but nothing of substance has yet been signed.
In the absence specific instruction and impetus from No 10, talks are stuck. Brussels authorities says economic advantages are unlocked with contributions to the EU budget. British officials know that's the arrangement. That doesn't make them keen for a public row and Nigel Farage screaming disloyalty over the eventual amount ends up being agreed.
Commercial conditions has triggered some shift in the administration's language on the continental partnership. Reeves has started citing EU withdrawal alongside the health emergency as a factor of commercial injury that the finance ministry is toiling to repair. Government colleagues have followed suit, although they cautiously attribute the responsibility to "poor negotiation terms" or "the exit process", never just "leaving".
The issue of Britain's long-term partnership with the EU can't be limited to technical adjustments and border mechanisms when the entire international system is in tumultuous flux. In light of everything that has happened since the referendum year, it feels reasonable still to be raising the core matter: were the nation's concerns served by departing the EU?
These are sobering, challenging realities about the UK's predicament in uncertain global circumstances. It is understandable that Starmer and Reeves flinch from the task. It would take them way out of their depth, into forces that they cannot resist. So instead they persist anxiously pacing the water's edge, wishing that possibly in the near future the tide will turn.
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